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regulate the receiving rate of streaming media by adding or dropping channels without any rate regulation from the source end. This is targeted toward scenarios where the source multicasts layered video with several layers. The basic scheme works as follows: 1. When no congestion is detected, a receiver joins or adds a layer or channel that results in increase of its receiving rate. If addition of a channel does not cause any congestion then join experiment is deemed successful. Otherwise, the receiver drops the added layer or channel. 2. If congestion is detected, the receiver drops the low-priority layer or channel (enhancement channel). Alternatively, an architecture may use both source and receiver-based control mechanisms [13] in which receivers regulate the receiving rate of streaming media by adding or dropping channels, while the sender also adjusts the transmission rate of each channel according to the feedback from the receivers. One of the main challenges in delivering streaming media to a client is to adjust with variations in network bandwidth while delivering acceptable quality streaming media to the receiver. As discussed before, short-term variations in bandwidth can be handled by providing playout or compensation buffer at the receiver. When available bandwidth is more than the playback rate at the receiver, the spare data are stored in the playout buffer and when the available bandwidth is less than that required to maintain the constant quality then the de cit is supplied by the spare data in the playout buffer (see Fig. 9.5). However, the bandwidth variations for a long-lived session can be large and random. This may cause the client s buffer to either under ow or over ow. The buffer under ow is particularly undesirable since it causes interruption of service at the client s end. Rate control mechanisms

Sociology and social work took a long time to become disentangled; in the 1920s people called social workers were equally or even more likely to carry out empirical research, and university sociologists very frequently drew on their case data whether or not it had been collected for research purposes. (Platt, 1996, p. 46)

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The red brake light is an honest signal that the car is slowing down and one that should therefore always be taken at face value and acted upon. But the yellow ashing indicator light depends not on the behavior of the car but on the quality of the driver. A good driver will only apply the signal when they are about to turn, i.e. use it honestly, but a bad driver might use it dishonestly or not at all. In this case the signal receiver would do well to make use of other cues when making a decision about whether to act upon the signal or not. We will consider the question of dishonest signals later in this chapter.

Note the upshot here: The smaller the contingent reward, the more positive one s resultant attitude toward the behavior; or conversely, the larger the contingent reward, the more negative one s attitude toward the rewarded behavior This represents a rather stunning reversal of the conventional wisdom regarding the use of rewards to in uence people s behavior To be sure, large rewards are useful often necessary to get a person to perform an otherwise undesirable activity or to express an unpopular attitude But the effect is likely to be transitory, lasting only as long as the reward contingency is in place To in uence the person s underlying thoughts and feelings regarding the action, and thereby bring about a lasting change in his or her behavioral orientation, it is best to employ the minimal amount of reward.

In effect, lasting social in uence requires reconstruction within the person rather than inducements from the outside Mental processes are notoriously hard to pin down objectively, of course, and this fact of experimental psychology has always been a problem for dissonance theory Festinger and his colleagues did not attempt to measure what they assumed to be the salient cognitions at work in the reward paradigm, nor have subsequent researchers fared much better in providing de nitive evidence regarding the stream of thought presumably underlying the experience and reduction of psychological tension With this gaping empirical hole in the center of the theory, it is not surprising that other theorists soon rushed in to ll the gap with their own inferences about the true mental processes at work.

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